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  • It’s 2.14am in Pune, and a university student is lying on their bed. The room is dark except for the soft blue glow of the screen. “I can’t sleep,” they type. Three blinking dots appear, then a reply, “I’m here. Want to talk about it?” The voice on the other side isn’t a friend or a therapist. It’s an AI companion, programmed to listen, remember, and never judge.

     

    The truth is that loneliness doesn’t look the same everywhere. In New York, it might mean going days without talking to anyone. In Tokyo, it’s coming home to a silent apartment after a long day. In Mumbai, you might be surrounded by people, family, neighbors, the delivery guy who knows your order by heart, and still feel like no one really gets you. And that’s exactly where AI companionship is quietly taking root.

     

    Globally, 1 in 6 adults experience loneliness, according to the WHO. In India, the numbers climb in cities with nearly 45% of urban Indians saying they feel lonely “often” or “always.” The usual safety nets, extended family, community events, and neighborhood familiarity, aren’t as strong as they once were. Nearly half of Indians also believe mental health struggles should be kept private.

     

     

    Around the world, people are rethinking what friendship means. Social circles are shrinking, we’re choosing fewer, deeper bonds, and often drifting away from constant group chats and weekend plans. In the middle of this shift, a new kind of relationship is emerging, one that’s judgment-free, always available, and oddly comforting.

     

    “For some young Indians, apps like Replika, Anima, Pi, and a new wave of India-based AI companions have become late-night listeners and therapy stand-ins. Maybe that’s the appeal. Here, loneliness doesn’t always come from lack of people. It comes from the pressure to be the chill friend, the funny colleague, or the obedient child. From being in rooms where you can’t be your full self. With AI, there’s no history to manage, no cultural expectations to navigate, no fear of disappointing someone who raised you. You just… talk,” a Mumbai-based developer tells us.

     

    Intimacy with a machine comes with its own fine print. These apps don’t challenge your worldview. They don’t know the exact sound of your laughter. They won’t show up with coffee when your day collapses. And every conversation, from your most casual vent to your most private confession, is stored somewhere.

     

    And the talking is getting deeper. Young Indians are confiding in chatbots about sexuality they can’t bring up at home. College students are venting about anxiety without waiting months for a therapist or needing parental approval. People are grieving losses they can’t speak about aloud. Not everyone is looking for a diagnosis or professional advice, some just want a place to be messy, unfiltered, and heard.

     

    In a country where therapy still feels like a luxury or a stigma, AI friends can feel like a gentle loophole. They’re not replacements for real relationships, but they are quietly filling the gaps where traditional support systems fall short.

     

    Still, intimacy with a machine comes with its own fine print. These apps don’t challenge your worldview. They don’t know the exact sound of your laughter. They won’t show up with coffee when your day collapses. And every conversation, from your most casual vent to your most private confession, is stored somewhere. That 2:14 a.m. message about your parents? It’s sitting on a server farm thousands of miles away.

     

    Privacy is part of the unease.

     

     

    AI companions aren’t protected by the confidentiality rules that govern therapists, doctors, or lawyers. What you share isn’t covered by legal privilege, and shifting company policies mean your most personal chats can be logged, analyzed, or, in rare cases, accessed by humans for safety or model improvement.

     

    Studies of emotionally responsive chatbots like Replika and Character.AI show a complicated pattern, heavy reliance can correlate with lower well-being. The more people substitute AI for human connection, the more it strains their emotional landscape, some experts claim.

     

    And then there’s the deeper paradox.

     

    What feels like trust is, in reality, a transaction, more of yourself in exchange for constant engagement. These systems are designed for retention, not care. They mimic closeness, but don’t offer the friction, challenge, or reciprocity that shape real relationships.

     

    Maybe that’s the real signal. The very fact that someone might turn to a chatbot at 2am says something about what’s missing, from affordable therapy, time for each other, the “third places,” cafés, libraries, to even street corners, where people could just exist without performing.

     

    In that blue-lit room in Pune, the student is still typing. And someone, or something, is still answering.

  • Fashion’s Borrowings Across Borders (Final)

    Kolhapuri chappals have been worn across Maharashtra for centuries, mostly by people who needed shoes that could survive heat, dust, and long days on their feet. They are sturdy, hand-cut, and made to last. In 2019, the craft received Geographical Indication status, a legal recognition that tied the sandal to place, method, and community. In 2025, a near-identical silhouette appeared in Prada’s men’s collection.

     

    The shoe on the runway was stripped back. Thin leather straps crossed the foot. The sole was flat. The colors stayed within beige and brown. For many Indian viewers, recognition came instantly. Kolhapuris are sold in weekly markets, outside temples, and along highways, often by the same families who make them. Prada’s show notes did not mention that lineage. The backlash that followed focused less on pricing and more on omission. A public apology arrived days later.

     

    Scenes like this recur in fashion with quiet regularity. Objects that begin as practical or local tend to resurface later as luxury items, separated from their original makers. The transformation is rarely accidental.

     

    Long before the Prada episode, Paul Poiret built a Parisian craze around what he called “harem pants.” The loose trousers drew loosely from garments worn across parts of the Middle East and South Asia. French newspapers debated their propriety. Critics called them indecent. Poiret, meanwhile, became a celebrity. The people and places that shaped those silhouettes remained largely unnamed.

     

     

    By the middle of the twentieth century, American counterculture reached for similar references. Hippies wore kurtas, Nehru jackets, and paisley prints. Paisley had already traveled far. The motif began as the Persian boteh, appeared in Kashmiri shawls, and later entered mass production through Scottish textile mills. In 1960s America, it came to signal rebellion and nonconformity. In Kashmir, weaving continued as a livelihood, disconnected from the pattern’s new cultural meaning abroad.

     

    Within India, fashion reproduces comparable dynamics. On the runways of Delhi and Mumbai, mirrorwork from Kutch, ikat from Odisha, and phulkari from Punjab appear season after season. Fashion coverage often frames these elements as modern reinterpretations. The artisan clusters responsible for sustaining these traditions receive far less attention than the designers presenting them.

     

    Cinema has played a role here as well. Bollywood costume design regularly borrows from regional dress. The nauvari sari of Maharashtra and the phanek of Manipur have both appeared on screen, reshaped for choreography and visual drama. Once adapted for film, garments tied to daily life or ritual lose specificity. They become visual cues rather than lived forms.

     

    Social hierarchy shapes these exchanges further. Dalit and Adivasi designs, including tattoos, beadwork, and woven textiles, surface in urban boutiques as styling statements. The same elements can carry stigma when worn by members of the communities they come from. Context changes meaning.

     

    Objects that begin as practical or local tend to resurface later as luxury items, separated from their original makers. The transformation is rarely accidental.

     

    Indian fashion also reflects broader regional circulation. The salwar kameez, worn across South Asia, is common in Indian wardrobes. The angarkha, once tied at the side and worn as everyday clothing, often appears in collections under broad labels. At the same time, Indian luxury houses borrow freely from Western fashion, including tuxedo tailoring, Art Deco motifs, and standardized eveningwear. The flow moves in multiple directions.

     

    Some designers have tried to approach this terrain with more structure. Stella Jean has worked with artisan groups in Haiti and Burkina Faso, developing collaborations that include attribution and financial return. In menswear, labels such as Wales Bonner and Bode draw from Caribbean tailoring and American workwear through archives, oral histories, and named sources rather than anonymous reference.

     

    The same elements can carry stigma when worn by members of the communities they come from. Context changes meaning.

     

    In India, smaller labels offer a similar counterpoint. Raw Mango and Pero regularly identify weavers and workshops in their campaigns and catalogues. Craft appears as a visible relationship, attached to people and place rather than treated as texture alone.

     

     

    The tensions around cultural use extend beyond South Asia. In 2019, Gucci listed a turban for sale on Nordstrom’s website. Sikh communities in the United States and elsewhere objected, citing the turban’s religious significance. The listing was removed. In Mexico, the Mixe community has challenged designers over the use of traditional embroidery patterns. Yoruba adire cloth from Nigeria appears in museums and on runways even as many producers remain economically vulnerable. Moroccan caftans drift in and out of Western trend cycles, often described as bohemian, detached from their everyday and ceremonial use.

     

    These episodes point toward a shared problem. Visibility, credit, and compensation rarely move at the same speed as aesthetic influence. Moodboards and acknowledgements do little on their own. What lasts are contracts, royalties, and names that appear beyond press releases.

     

    Fashion depends on circulation. Cloth moves. Silhouettes move. Symbols move. When that movement leaves people behind, history thins out. The question is no longer whether borrowing will continue. It already has. The question is whose hands remain visible once the borrowing is complete.

  • The Politics of a Flatbread (Final)

    Roti begins as something ordinary, made from flour, water, and heat, rolled out quickly, eaten daily, and rarely discussed. Across the Indian subcontinent, it appears at breakfast tables and in packed lunches, folded around whatever happens to be on hand. Its familiarity makes it easy to overlook, yet this flatbread has traveled farther than many of the people who make it, crossing oceans, surviving shortages, and learning how to belong elsewhere.

     

    Around thee world, roti may already feel familiar, even if the name does not. It follows the same logic as tortillas, wraps, and other flatbreads that appear wherever people need food that is portable, affordable, and adaptable, food that works around labor and routine. These breads endure because they bend easily to place, habit, and necessity.

     

    That flexibility became especially important in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when Britain moved more than 1.3 million Indian indentured laborers across its empire after the abolition of slavery. Between 1845 and 1917, roughly 145,000 were sent to Trinidad alone. They arrived with contracts and expectations of return that were often unmet, but what traveled more reliably were habits, particularly those tied to food. Cooking offered a sense of steadiness, and roti required no written recipe, living instead in practice and repetition.

     

    Once abroad, ingredients shifted. Wheat, central to many North Indian rotis, was expensive or scarce in several colonies, so cooks adjusted with what was available. In the Caribbean, that meant lentils, with split peas ground, spiced, and sealed inside dough to create dhalpuri, a stuffed flatbread cooked on hot cast iron skillets and eaten with curries shaped by local produce and climate. In Malaysia, Indian Muslim migrants stretched dough thin, folded it with oil, and cooked it quickly, giving rise to roti canai, food suited to long workdays and eating outside the home, paired with daal or sweetened condensed milk at roadside stalls.

     

     

     

    At first, these changes were practical, responses to constraint rather than intention. Over time, however, they settled into preference and pride. Dhalpuri is not remembered in Trinidad as a compromised roti, and roti canai is not treated in Malaysia as a distant echo of India. These foods are argued over, perfected, and claimed as local, shaped as much by taste and habit as by history. What began as adjustment slowly became authorship.

     

    This pattern extends beyond South Asia and its diasporas. Mexico’s tortilla, made from corn rather than wheat, follows a similar principle, a flatbread shaped by land, labor, and daily life. Such similarities are less coincidence and more structure. Flatbreads endure because they adapt, although the conditions that demand adaptation are rarely neutral, shaped instead by movement, constraint, and power.

     

    Indian food does not land the same way everywhere. In London, it often appears behind white tablecloths and tasting menus, introduced course by course. In Trinidad, roti is more likely to be wrapped in paper and eaten at midday, warm and filling. In Kuala Lumpur, it shows up early, ordered with tea, torn by hand at roadside stalls before work begins. The food travels, but its social position shifts as well, shaped by who is eating it, when, and under what conditions.

     

    In many Western dining rooms, those same flavors are recast through the language of refinement. Dishes are described as lighter, cleaner, or more restrained, their histories reduced to brief references or visual cues. What changes is not only how the food tastes, but how it is explained, and who is assumed to be listening. When a British chef sold a £300 butter chicken a few years ago, the reaction was swift, not only because of the price, but because of how easily a dish rooted in Delhi homes and roadside dhabas could be detached from context and presented without reference. On supermarket shelves, boutique spice brands follow a similar logic, where packaging grows sleeker even as questions about sourcing and credit grow louder, particularly as diaspora-led brands push back against who gets to tell these stories.

     

    Flatbreads endure because they adapt, although the conditions that demand adaptation are rarely neutral, shaped instead by movement, constraint, and power.

     

    Global recognition continues to follow familiar routes. Many Michelin-recognized Indian restaurants operate outside India, especially in the United Kingdom, where London alone has several. India itself has none under the official Michelin Guide, which does not operate in the country, reinforcing the sense that prestige often arrives only after Indian food passes through Western institutions.

     

    Borrowing, however, does not move in a single direction. Indian chefs reinterpret French pastry techniques, Japanese matcha, and New York bagels, layering their own histories onto global forms. Adaptation itself is not the tension. The question lies in visibility, in whose origins remain legible and who gets invited into decisions about value and authorship.

     

    The same dish can be received very differently depending on who serves it and where. Restaurants offering “elevated Indian street food” attract attention and awards, while Indian-run dhabas selling similar food rarely do. Part of this gap is structural, shaped by access to capital, location, and publicity, and part of it is aesthetic, as dishes become acceptable once spice is restrained, interiors minimal, and narratives framed for a Western audience.

     

     

    Even within the diaspora, agreement is far from universal. A Trinidadian dhalpuri does not taste like a Punjabi roti, though both can carry the same emotional charge. Within families and communities, these differences are not always settled. One person holds on to how roti used to be made, another defends the version they grew up eating, even when the ingredients or technique look unfamiliar. Sometimes the roti that feels most like home is the one that would look least recognizable to someone further back in the family line, and that gap can feel hard to explain.

     

    For all its movement and reinvention, roti still belongs to routine. It is rolled out in the morning, a grandmother in Port of Spain brushing flour from her hands, a student in London working around a small stovetop because the taste feels grounding after a long day. For some, making roti repeats something learned by watching. For others, it becomes a place to try things out, to adjust, to make it fit a new life.

     

    Seen this way, roti does not settle easily into a single definition. Folded around curry in Trinidad, stretched and flipped on a Malaysian griddle, or served in a New York dining room, it carries traces of where it has been and who has handled it, changing slightly each time without fully letting go of what came before. What it ultimately reveals is less about purity than process, and the ongoing challenge of ensuring that when it arrives at the table, the hands that shaped it, and the journeys that transformed it, remain visible.